Tolstoy Farm
Mohandas
K. Gandhi (1869-1948) attributes the success of the
final phase of the satyagraha campaign in South
Africa between 1908 and 1914 to the "spiritual
purification and penance" afforded by the Tolstoy
Farm.
The Tolstoy Farm was the second of its kind of
experiments established by Gandhi.
He devotes a considerable number of pages in
Satyagraha in South Africa to the discussion of the
day-to-day activities on the farm as the experiment
appeared important to him, even though it had not
enjoyed much "limelight".
He
wrote: "I have serious doubts as to whether the
struggle could have been prosecuted for eight years,
whether we could have secured larger funds, and
whether the thousands of men who participated in the
last phase of the struggle would have borne their
share of it, if there had been no Tolstoy Farm."
The site
is located in a southwestern corner of the
Johannesburg municipal area, approximately 35 km from
Johannesburg, 17 km from Soweto, 7 km from Lenasia and
2 kilometres from the Lawley Station. It is located
on the site of privately-owned Corobrik brick
factory. However, the company has recognised Tolstoy
Farm’s strategic and historic importance and has
granted permission for its usage as a heritage site.
 
 
History of Tolstoy Farm Excerpt from:
THE TOLSTOY FARM: GANDHI'S EXPERIMENT IN "COOPERATIVE
COMMONWEALTH"
By
Surendra Bhana
Published in South African Historical Journal,
No. 7, November 1975 Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869-1948) attributes the
success of the final phase of the satyagraha campaign
in South Africa between 1908 and 1914 to the
"spiritual purification and penance" afforded by the
Tolstoy Farm. He devotes a considerable number of
pages in Satyagraha in South Africa to the discussion
of the day-to-day activities on the farm as the
experiment appeared important to him, even though it
had not enjoyed much "limelight". He wrote: "I have
serious doubts as to whether the struggle could have
been prosecuted for eight years, whether we could have
secured larger funds, and whether the thousands of men
who participated in the last phase of the struggle
would have borne their share of it, if there had been
no Tolstoy Farm."
The Tolstoy Farm was the second of its kind of
experiments established by Gandhi. The first, the
Phoenix settlement in Natal, was inspired in 1904 by a
single reading of John Ruskin's Unto This Last, a work
that extolled the virtues of the simple life of love,
labour, and the dignity of human beings. Gandhi was
not as personally involved in the daily running of the
Phoenix settlement as he was to become in his stay of
interrupted duration at the Tolstoy Farm which lasted
for about four years. In part this was because the
political struggle had shifted to the Transvaal after
1906, and he controlled it from its Johannesburg
headquarters.
To a large extent Gandhi's more intimate involvement
at the Tolstoy Farm coincided with the heightened
tempo of the passive resistance campaign, and the
development of the Gandhian philosophy of the perfect
individual in a perfect new order. This essay will
briefly discuss the historical context within which
the Tolstoy Farm was founded, and explore the
activities at the farm which led Gandhi to call the
experiment a "cooperative commonwealth".
Much of this kind of implicit faith in this principled
leader had been inspired by the fact that he had
championed the cause of the Indians for over a decade
when he could have opted for the less rigorous chores
of being simply a lawyer. Gandhi's quiet and
resourceful simplicity, his boundless energy, and his
incredible staying power further enhanced his
leadership. But it was probably the force of his
satyagraha philosophy that impelled his followers
forward. They may not have fully understood all its
revolutionary dimensions, but they realised that it
was a new and potent force as just in its
implementation as the causes for which it fought. They
captured its ethos, and were propelled by it in turn.
During the final phase of the campaign when the
Tolstoy Farm was established Gandhi's own growth
became noticeable. During his three months of jail in
1909, first at Volksrust and then at Pretoria, he read
about thirty books. He made further acquaintance of
the works of Leo Tolstoy 1828-1910) and Henry D.
Thoreau (1817-1862), among others, and of the Hindu
religion. Gandhi had read of Thoreau when he was a
student in London, and had summarised the American's
essay on Civil Disobedience in an issue of Indian
Opinion in 1907. Now in jail, he eagerly explored
Thoreau further.
But it was Tolstoy's writings that impressed him the
most. The Russian's ideas about renouncing force as a
means of opposition were akin to Gandhi's own
thoughts, although he did not share Tolstoy's intense
dislike for organised government. The Indian had read
Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You in 1894.
This had stimulated his search for truth and
non-violence in his own religion. It had set him upon
a kind of thinking that was to mature into satyagraha
later. Now in prison, he had another opportunity to
read more deeply into the Russian author's works.
Prompted by his deeper appreciation of the Tolstoyan
philosophy, Gandhi wrote in October 1909 the first of
his four letters to the Russian. He described in it
the struggle of the Transvaal Indians, and asked him
to air his views on the subject of morality. In
subsequent correspondence Gandhi sent Tolstoy a copy
of Joseph Doke's biography on himself, and an English
translation of a pamphlet, Hind Swaraj (Indian Home
Rule) he had written on board the ship bringing him
from London to South Africa. If Gandhi had hoped to
draw the Russian into a full-fledged discourse on the
ideas shared by the two, he was probably disappointed.
He may not have been aware of Tolstoy's deteriorating
health and his troubled life which had caused the
Russian to abandon his wife a few days before he died
on November 20, 1910.
Once out of jail, Gandhi proceeded to London to
present the Indian case before the British government,
then engaged in deliberations concerning the formation
of the Union of South Africa. He talked to various
persons, including Colonial Secretary Lord Crewe,
without knowing whether he had been successful. Upon
his return to South Africa he discovered he had not
been.
But a more alarming discovery was that the passive
resistance campaign had slackened most notably in the
five months that he had been away. A combination of
factors had brought this about. The Transvaal
government had put fear in the hearts of the Indians
by deporting some of them to India; and it was not
freely arresting the satyagrahis - thereby to further
their cause - as it had done earlier. The morale of
the Indians had sagged dangerously low. Barely a
hundred of the diehards among the satyagrahis were
willing to court arrest.
The fact that so many satyagrahis had abandoned the
campaign before its stated goal had been attained
indicated to Gandhi that they had to be properly
trained in the resolve necessary for satyagraha. This
implied a need for a central place where a corporate
sense of purpose might be instilled into the
satyagrahis, and thereby revive the campaign. Such a
centre might further accommodate some practical
problems of running the campaign that Gandhi was then
facing. Adult male satyagrahis worried over the plight
of their wives and children in their absence; the
system of relief money that was being doled out to the
dependents of the satyagrahis was unsatisfactory and
costly. And there was also the question of financing
the campaign. The monthly expenditure of 300 then,
Gandhi explained in his letter to India's nationalist
leader Gopal K. Gokhale, would exhaust the credit
balance of 3000 by January 1911.
It was under these circumstances that the idea of
purchasing a farm near Johannesburg occurred to him.
The farm would not only meet the expenditure problems
as residents would be doing "something to earn a
living", but would provide Gandhi with an opportunity
to experiment with a kind of communal living he had
seen in 1895 among the Trappists at the Marianhill
monastery sixteen miles from Durban in the vicinity of
Pinetown.
Since the centre of the campaign was in the Transvaal,
the farm had to be close to Johannesburg. Herman
Kallenbach, an architect until he became Gandhi's
ardent follower, came to the rescue. A man of some
means, Kallenbach bought a piece of land from Town
Councillor Partridge, and officially placed it on May
30, 1910, at the disposal of the satyagrahis as long
as the campaign lasted. Gandhi praised Kallenbach's
action as one "calculated to bring East and West
nearer in real friendship than any amount of
rhetorical writing or speaking".
The distance of 22 miles between the location of the
farm and Johannesburg, one would have thought, was a
disadvantage. And yet, Gandhi must have weighed this
against its many advantages: it was but a mile or two
from the nearest railway station of Lawley; on its
1,100 acres of land there were nearly 1,000
fruit-bearing trees; and water was supplied from two
wells and a spring. True, there were at the time no
more than a "shed and a dilapidated house containing
four rooms". But its open spaces - it was about two
miles long and three-quarters of a mile broad -
provided the opportunity for leading a simple life,
and its distance from Johannesburg freed it possibly
from "the varied distractions of a city".
The settlement was called the Tolstoy Farm at the
suggestion of Kallenbach. Gandhi stated in his letter
to Tolstoy that the former worldly architect had gone
through most of the experiences that Tolstoy had so
graphically described in his work My Confession: "No
writing has so deeply touched Mr. Kallenbach as yours;
and as a spur to further effort in living up to the
ideals held before the world by you, he has taken the
liberty, after consultation with me, of naming his
farm after you."
The Tolstoy Farm offered him an opportunity to
experiment with the implementation of his ideas. His
challenge was the greater because the settlement
consisted of men, women, and children for short, long,
and irregular intervals, who were Hindus, Muslims,
Christians or Parsees, white or Indians, people who
spoke one or more from among Gujarati, Hindi, Tamil,
and English. Gandhi recalls that there were 70 to 80
residents - 40 "young men", 2 or 3 "old men", 5 women,
and 20 to 30 children - although the number must have
varied from time to time in the course of the farm's
existence. It was a heterogeneous microcosm in which
his leadership would prepare him for his role in the
macrocosm of his battles in India later.
In running the settlement, Gandhi worked from the
basic premise that the prime goal in an individual's
life was the self-realisation that can come from the
search for truth (satya) in specific instances and
Absolute Truth (satya) as an ultimate reality. To
reach the Absolute Truth, or God as Gandhi perceived
it, an individual must determine what truth meant for
him and practise it with single-mindedness. Another
way he expressed the concept of truth was that
"soul-force" was the power of good residing in an
individual. It could be cultivated to realise its full
potential. The "prolonged training of the individual
soul" was necessary, he wrote in an article just
before his departure from South Africa, for a person
to be a "perfect" adult satyagrahi. But such a
training might be most fruitfully undertaken in the
education of young children.
The rural setting was obviously important to Gandhi.
His own beliefs about the virtues of a simple life had
made him suspicious about the trappings of a modern
industrialised civilisation. Here, where man lived in
close proximity to nature he might realise his full
potential by labouring for his fruit. The open spaces
and the fruit-bearing trees provided the residents
with ample opportunities for farming and gardening.
Adults as well as children daily engaged in
agricultural duties which involved picking, pruning,
growing and forest-clearing. The emphasis was upon
simple communal living where individual self-interests
had to be curbed for the good of all, where asteya and
aparigraha might be cultivated.
To live close with nature implied striking harmonious
relations with predatory animals and venomous reptiles
that might be roaming on the farm. Hunting was
strictly forbidden in accordance with Gandhi's belief
in ahimsa. Mr. Barasarthi Naidoo recalls the occasion
upon which a group of the residents discovered a
hunter with a gun in the area. He was promptly brought
before Kallenbach, who, no doubt lectured to him about
the sins of hunting. As for venomous snakes, of which
there were plenty in the area, Gandhi's rule was not
to kill them. Kallenbach even attempted "befriending"
one of the reptiles, but as he well knew, and as
Gandhi pointed out to him, there was little love and
much fear in the relationship. Indeed, Gandhi ordered
the killing of a snake on one occasion. It was a case
of unavoidable himsa (violence).
A man given to simple life, especially when related to
an agrarian way, would understandably have great faith
in the healing properties of nature's elements. Gandhi
had long been familiar with earth and water treatment
for ailments from the writings of Kuhne, Adolf Just,
and others. He had applied such a treatment
successfully upon his second son Manilal when he
became ill in India in 1901. Now on the farm, he was
able to experiment with nature cure remedies on a more
regular basis. Seventy-year-old Lutavan was cured of
his asthma and cough by hydropathy, a prescribed diet,
and, not-so-incidentally, by being forced to give up
smoking. The station master's son who was afflicted
with typhoid was cured with the help of cold mud
poultices on his stomach, and regulated quantities of
bananas, olive oil, and orange juice in it. At least
two of the persons I interviewed recall how injuries
that they had sustained or remember others sustaining
during their stay on the farm had been treated with
mud poultices. In later years, Gandhi was not quite as
confident about nature cure remedies as he was at the
Tolstoy Farm.
The satyagraha leader had for long placed great
importance upon self-reliance. It encouraged
discipline, self-esteem, and was a meaningful exercise
in labouring for one's own fruit. Within six months of
having started the settlement, the residents were able
to complete largely by self-help three big buildings,
two of them 53 feet long and the third 77 feet. One of
the buildings served as women's quarters while another
as men's residence complete with laundry and kitchen
facilities. A third building was a combination of
offices, workshop, and school.
Self-reliance extended to other aspects of communal
living. There was a "tailoring department" responsible
for producing clothes generally suitable for outdoor
life: trousers, and shirts made up of coarse blue
cloth. There was no use for stiff starched shirts,
donors were reminded through the columns of Indian
Opinion. As for footwear, Gandhi considered sandals
ideal for the climate. He specially dispatched
Kallenbach to the Marianhill monastery near Pinetown
to learn the skill of sandal-making. Soon after
Kallenbach's return, the workshop began producing
sandals, most of which were worn by the farm
residents, and a few sold to friends. Gandhi proudly
wrote to cousin Maganlal Gandhi that he had completed
14 pairs of sandals by February 1911.
There is evidence of discipline in the daily routine
followed by the residents. Its purpose was to prevent,
no doubt, idle time-wasting, and make them feel that
they were being constructively useful. The bell rang
at six in the morning, wrote a Rand Daily Mail
(Johannesburg) reporter. After the toilets were
completed and the beds made, the residents ate
breakfast. Everybody was assigned a task for the
morning. Work was stopped at 11 a.m. to go for a bath
- the bath was postponed for this hour so as to make
good use of the warm sun rays. The midday meal was
served. At 1 p.m. Several classes of school began
lasting until 5 late in the afternoon. The evening
meal was taken at 5.30. There would be an hour of
rest. At 7 p.m. the residents would assemble before
Gandhi who would review the day's events, point out
difficulties if any, and suggest ways of preventing
their recurrence. The meeting ended with readings from
books on religion and the singing of hymns.
Once his early doubts about vegetarianism had been
dispelled - by reading as a student in London Henry S.
Salt's A Plea For Vegetarianism, among other things -
Gandhi considered it to be vital in the moral and
spiritual growth of the individual. His belief in
ahimsa ruled out a non-vegetarian diet as "wanton
himsa to the sub-human creation". The adult residents
at the Tolstoy Farm decided to have an exclusively
vegetarian diet out of deference for Gandhi's
conviction.
Gandhi's dietary experimentation on the farm was not
simply a matter of what was most nutritional, or
essential for existence. He experimented with a view
to "attaining harmony with nature", because "each
organ of sense subserves the body and through the body
the soul..." The meals were to be of the simplest
kind. There were to be no condiments, or anything else
specifically aimed at titillating the taste buds. Some
of the provisions were home-made and simple, and,
incidentally, money-saving: bread made from wheat
ground in an iron handmill; groundnut butter made from
roasted nuts; marmalade prepared from the supply of
fruit on the farm; and cereal coffee made of baked
wheat and water. Such foods assisted the residents, in
Gandhi's way of thinking, in living in harmony with
nature and spiritual endeavours, others had to be
avoided for precisely the same reason. Gandhi
prescribed dietary restrictions for himself and
others. He abjured cow milk to assist him in observing
his vow of brahmacharya, and was faithfully
accompanied by at least one person - Kallenbach.
What did Gandhi hope to impart to the young minds in
the school he ran at the Tolstoy Farm? "It should be
an essential of real education," he wrote in 1914,
"that a child should learn that, in the struggle of
life, it can easily conquer hate by love, untruth by
truth, violence by self-sacrifice." This is presumably
what he had in mind when he stated later in his
autobiography that education should concern itself
with the "culture of the heart or the building of
character". His goals in the education of the young
minds were similar to his insistence upon what adults
should strive towards in their lives. What was
important to this morally scrupulous man personally
was also important in his educational programme.
Gandhi had little faith in formal education presumably
because it did not concern itself with the building of
character. That kind of education was best given by
the parents themselves. If so, was not his own school
on the Tolstoy Farm self-defeating? No so. He regarded
the ashram as a "family", and he the "father". Hence,
he decided to live amongst them "all the twenty-four
hours of the day as their father". He meant this
possibly in a figurative sense as he was away from the
farm for one to three days in the week.
The fatherly teacher's programme included both
"manual" and "mental" training. The ashramite children
were expected to undertake for three hours in the
morning duties which involved gardening, farming,
sandal-making, or cloth-sewing. Such work was
counterbalanced with a programme of lessons in
geography, history, arithmetic, and writing; "bhajans"
(hymns) and "interesting stories" were included in the
teaching. No doubt they were stories with a moral
lesson. Gandhi did not consider textbooks necessary.
"Of textbooks...", he said, "I never felt the want."
The "true textbook for the pupil was his teacher,"
which in this case was Gandhi. Given his emphasis in
education, Gandhi probably felt that instruction based
on the teacher's experience and convictions would
carry more weight than the lifeless pages of a
textbook.
Gandhi's study of other religions had developed in him
an acceptance of the essential universality of all
religions, however much he might dislike aspects in
all of them. The man whom he acknowledged as being
influential in this respect was Raychandbhai, a deeply
philosophical man in India, who although only a few
years his senior, came closest to being Gandhi's guru.
Rayachandbhai had assured him in his early years that
there was little formulated in other religions that
was not to be found in Hinduism. He agreed with this
without, however, accepting such things as
untouchability and blood sacrifices as being essential
to Hinduism, or without rejecting the intrinsic
validity of the other religions.
Given these views, the religious teacher's
self-proclaimed eligibility is understandable. He
naturally had no use for religious textbooks. As a
teacher, Gandhi respected the various religious
affiliations of the children: the Christians were
instructed in the reading of the Bible; the Muslims in
the Koran; the Parsees (Zoroastrians) in the Avesta.
As for the Hindus, he had written out the fundamental
teachings of Hinduism, a document he regarded as
representing his own "spiritual progress", but which
he had regrettably misplaced later when he no longer
needed it. He encouraged common respect for all
religions by asking the ashramites to observe the
fasts of the others. Non-Muslims joined the Muslims in
their month of fasting during the Ramzan.
Mutual respect and tolerance between Hindus and
Muslims assumed an important role in India at the time
that he reflected on his South African experiment some
fifteen years later. Gandhi proudly records that he
taught the Tolstoy Farm residents against "infection
of intolerance, and... to view one another's religions
and customs with a light-hearted charity. They learnt
how to live together like blood-brothers".It is not
surprising, in view of this, that he should have
remembered his religious experiment as "among the
sweetest reminiscences of the Tolstoy Farm..."
The Tolstoy Farm was in part born out of practical
necessity. Funds were running short, morale was
sinking, and the movement missed the benefits that
might accompany the establishment of a centre where
its followers might assemble and coordinate their
activities. The Transvaal settlement accommodated all
three. Money was saved, morale was boosted, and the
satyagrahis, according to Gandhi, received "training"
that proved to be "of great use in the last fight."
The training imparted in a modern-day revolutionary
camp might mean acquiring skills in the use of
firearms, and learning tactics in attack and self-defence.
On the other hand, the "soldiers" at the Tolstoy Farm
trained in the use of a different kind of weapon,
namely, satyagraha. It appealed to the residents.
Gandhi prescribed for them a "mode of life" in which
satyagraha might be assured of becoming fully realised.
He believed that each one of the residents was capable
of realising the perfection of satyagraha by a
rigorous spiritual and mental exercise. Gandhi had no
doubt that the "mode of life" accepted by the farm's
satyagrahis proved to be "an invaluable asset" in the
campaign, even though there were probably no more than
60 of them present at any given time. From among this
number came the core of satyagrahi workers who
assisted in the successful operation of the last
stages of the campaign. Such was the case of the
eleven "sisters", who, having been "trained" in
satyagraha at the Tolstoy Farm, persuaded the Indian
coal miners in Newcastle to come out on strike at the
end of 1913 in support of the general satyagraha
movement.
It is difficult to evaluate the significance of the
Tolstoy Farm in Gandhi's development to mahatmaship,
and to his political fortunes in India. The pressures
of the campaign caused him to be absent from the farm
for long and short periods of time. The absence
possibly made the development of uninterrupted plans
and programmes difficult. Hence, the Tolstoy Farm's
total impact becomes blurred by influences outside its
boundaries. And yet, Gandhi used the farm much as he
was to use the Sabarmati Ashram later in India. One
can say that the Tolstoy Farm was a laboratory for
experimenting with problematic issues: diet, nature
cure, harmonious living with nature, brahmacharya, and
so on. It also proved to be a "training ground" - I
must add, incidentally - for his leadership among the
people and in the politics of India. |